교부들의 신학과 목회로의 자연학 이용에 관해 - 아타나시우스와 클레멘트를 중심으로 + 엠마오 도상의 제자들(현대 목회로의 제언 포함)

 교부들도 소위, '신학과 일반과학을 완전히 별개로 구분하지 않습니다.'

 * '아나타시우스와 클레멘트가 강조한 contemplation'에 '물리적인 세상 또는 일반학문'과의 접점이 있음(예컨데, 이교도는 그것을 할 수 없음)을 강조하네요! 날카로운 지적인 것 같습니다.

 * 교부학을 형이상학적으로 발전시키던 정교회에 꼭 필요한 연구라 생각합니다. 물론, 교부들의 신학에 내재된 형이하학적 관점은 모든 기독교회에 장차 연구될 겁니다. 이는 교부들이 강조하는 contemplation(관상) 및 theosis(신화)의 개념을 현대적으로 적용하기에 유용합니다. 

 * 개혁교회에서도 이러한 발전적인 논의와 분석이 진행되기를 간절히 바랍니다. 교부들에게 나타난 물리적 세상 이해 또는 그것에 관한 자연학에 관한 개혁신학적 접근에 큰 발전이 있어야 합니다. 지금도 그러하지만 앞으로는 더욱 눈에 보이고, 만져져야 신앙에 대해 대화할 수 있습니다.

 -> 개인적으로 예상하건데, 초대교회 교부들은 '자연학'을 신학에 도입할 때, '플라톤주의'에서 크게 벗어나지 않았을 겁니다. 다만, 그것을 '신앙적 수양(修養)에 유용하도록 해석 및 적용'했을 겁니다. 1차적으로 그들이 자연학에 가졌던 관점을 연구하고, 2차적으로 당시에 구체적으로 그것을 적용한 사례를 다양하게 분석 및 적용하는 방향이 중요할 겁니다.

---

Theology’s Object: Athanasian Lessons for Orthodox Christianity and Science

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nhUbVp1GMN4 

 

Abstract

Evidence indicates the growing reluctance of Orthodox Christians towards science, and I am not thinking only of their deplorable response to the pandemic. For example, certain Orthodox scientists believe that, while the natural world falls within the purview of science, which I do not debate, theology focuses upon God, morals, and holiness. Many Orthodox theologians would subscribe to this conviction wholeheartedly. It is with this perception of theology—as deprived of interest in nature—that I am concerned here. As a theologically trained Orthodox Christian, I find this attitude perplexing. As an academic working at the crossing of various disciplines, I find it counterproductive. The attitude in question makes difficult any conversations between scientists and theologians, or humanities scholars more broadly. To address this issue from the angle of my expertise, namely, patristic studies, I discuss the thinking of Athanasius of Alexandria (d. 373). In his Against the Gentiles and On the Incarnation, Athanasius argues that theological knowledge requires to explore human interiority, the cosmos, and scriptural testimonies. The cosmos, or the natural world, is far from uninteresting for a theologian. And, to understand the natural world, Athanasius relies upon the available sciences, while his interpretative lens remains anchored in faith. His approach provides useful insights for contemporary Orthodox academics, beyond the cultural gap separating him from our scientific age. With him, history shapes the course of future theology. It is the significance of this lesson that, ultimately, I ponder in this paper

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A Triadic Pattern within a Triadic Pattern: Clement’s Contemplation of Nature

https://www.academia.edu/video/kL5BNj

A Triadic Pattern within a Triadic Pattern: Clement’s Contemplation of Nature

 

Description

Paper delivered for Tradition and Innovation in Early Christianity. Institute for Religion and Critical Inquiry ACU Melbourne; 15-17 Aug 2018. Clement worked at the crossroads of the classical culture and faith convictions. Everything he created was an innovative take on old ideas. For instance, as a Platonist of Philonian pedigree who was, at the same time, profoundly committed to the Classical paideia, Clement believed in structured processes of training and study which led to the shaping of a superior person—the holy gnostic, the Christian saint. This goal was the criterion and ordering principle of his entire worldview. Clement redrafted the Platonic triadic pattern of ethics, physics, and epoptics, by developing the second rung of the ladder into another triadic pattern. He worked out a contemplative approach which progressed from the scientific description of natural phenomena to their ecclesial translation to their perception from a divine vantage point.

 -> 링크에 들어가세요!

---

 끝으로 '엠마오 도상으로 가던 제자들과 그들의 변화를 유도한 자연학의 중요성'을 다룹니다.

 어느 종교나 그러하듯, 기독교도 '신의 체험'을 신앙생활에서 반드시 필요로 합니다. 교부들이 평신도들의 신앙생활을 위해 어떻게 '와닿게' 신학과 목회를 펼쳤는지 연구해야할 시기입니다. 철학적 사고는 시대를 돌고 돕니다. 원색적인 부분부터 다시 살피고 기억해야 끊임없이 목회방법과 기술을 발전시킬 수 있습니다.

 

Their Hearts Were Burning: Emmaus as ‘Realised Eschatology’ in the Philokalic Tradition

https://www.academia.edu/video/lD0y8l

Their Hearts Were Burning: Emmaus as ‘Realised Eschatology’ in the Philokalic Tradition

 

  * 이하에 강의를 이해하는데에 도움이 되는 논문(pdf, 내용- html)을 첨부합니다.^^

Burning Hearts - emmaus as realised aschatology in the philokalic tradition(Doru Costache).pdf

0.28MB

 

God’s Grace Inscribed  

on the Human Heart  

Essays in Honour of  

James R. Harrison  

Edited by Peter G. Bolt and Sehyun Kim  

SCD Press  

2022  

God’s Grace Inscribed on the Human Heart  

Essays in Honour of James R. Harrison  

(Early Christian Studies, 23)  

Edited by Peter G. Bolt and Sehyun Kim  

© 2022, SCD Press and authors  

SCD Press  

PO Box 1882  

Macquarie Centre NSW 2113  

Australia  

scdpress@scd.edu.au  

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or trans-  

mitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, includ-  

ing photocopying, recording or by any information and storage system  

without permission in writing from the publishers.  

ISBN-13: 978-1-925730-33-3 (paperback)  

ISBN-13: 978-1-925730-34-0 (ebook)  

Layout and design by: Lankshear Design Pty Ltd  

Printed and bound by: Ingram Spark  

Contents  

Grace Behind Paul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1  

John A. Davies  

!e A to Z of God’s Grace Inscribed  

on the Human Heart: Psalm 119 . . . . . . . . . . . . 3  

Stephen Llewelyn and  

William Robinson  

!e Salt Parable (Mark 9:50, Par.  

Matthew 5:13 and Luke 14:34–35). . . . . . . . . . 19  

Mark Stephens  

Doru Costache  

Jesus and the Possibilities of Humour . . . . . . . 45  

Burning Hearts. Emmaus as Realised  

Eschatology in the Philokalic Tradition. . . . . . 61  

Peter G. Bolt  

!e Doctor, the High Priest, the  

Aristocrat, and the Apostle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79  

Darrell L. Bock  

A Note Tracing a !eme: John 6:45  

and Being Taught by God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109  

Grace Through Paul. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117  

E. Randolph Richards Greek Shorthand in the Time of the  

New Testament . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .119  

Michael Trainor  

Paul Trebilco  

!e Jews of Ancient Rome: !eir Burial  

Inscriptions and Implications for Paul’s  

Letter to the Romans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143  

!e Human Heart, the Centre of a Person,  

and the Holy Spirit (Galatians 4:6;  

Romans 5:5; and 2 Corinthians 1:22) . . . . . . 155  

Mark Reasoner  

Reading Romans 9 on Election with  

the Rabbis and the Greek Fathers . . . . . . . . . . 171  

Benjamin Schliesser Can Faith Be Measured? Paul’s Phrase  

‘!e Measure of Faith’ Reconsidered  

(Rom. 12:3). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189  

Richard S. Ascough Paul in Illyricum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211  

John S. Kloppenborg Intimations of Democracy in Early  

Christ Groups. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .227  

L. L. Welborn  

!e Materiality of Grace:  

Paul’s Collection for the Poor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241  

Louise A. Gosbell  

Stephen C. Barton  

Charis, Charisms and the  

‘Greater Gi"s’ in 1 Corinthians 12 . . . . . . . . . 271  

‘But by the Grace of God I Am What  

I Am’ (1 Corinthians 15:10a): Pauline  

Identity in !eological Perspective . . . . . . . . . 293  

Bradley J. Bitner  

Grace, Gratitude, and Glory  

In 2 Corinthians 4:15. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309  

Paul Barnett  

Ephesian Mysteries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331  

Joseph D. Fantin  

Adoption into the Family  

of God: Ephesians 1:5 in  

Light of Roman Adoption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341  

Constantine  

R. Campbell  

Grace and Faith in Ephesians 2:8–10:  

Engaging Barclay and Bates. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .371  

Peter Oakes  

!e Value of the Local . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 387  

Samuel Vollenweider Christ and Alexander the Great.  

Philippians 2 Compared with  

Plutarch’s Tractate De Alexandri  

Magni Fortuna Aut Virtute . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .399  

Kathy Ehrensperger ‘Become Fellow-Imitators together  

with Me’ (Phil 3:17): Embodying Christ  

in the Face of Enemies of the Cross . . . . . . . . .421  

Alan H. Cadwallader Greetings in Stone: Shi"ing the  

Accent from Papyri to Epigraphy  

in Colossians 4:15–17 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .441  

Julien M. Ogereau  

Πίστις, Ἀγάπη, and Ἐλπίς in  

1 !essalonians: New Insights  

from Old Stones. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 467  

Grace After Paul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .485  

Cilliers Breytenbach Virtues in New Testament Letters and  

Corresponding Names on Early Christian  

Sepulchral Epitaphs in icg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .487  

Rosalinde Kearsley Antioch, Rome, and 1 Peter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .505  

Guy MacLean Rogers Alexander and the High Priest . . . . . . . . . . . . .531  

Harry O. Maier  

Reading the Shepherd Of Hermas  

with Roman Eyes: Urbanity, Self, and  

Emergent Neighbourhood Religion  

in the Imperial Capital . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .543  

Peter Arzt-Grabner !e Literal Meaning of the Most  

Common Epistolary Greeting—  

and How Seriously We Should Take It . . . . .561  

Peter Lampe  

Isaac T. Soon  

Christian Women in Oxyrhynchus and  

—

Environs (2nd 6th Century c.e.). . . . . . . . .577  

Raised in Pieces: Resurrection and  

Disability in the Ezekiel Cycle of the  

Dura-Europos Synagogue. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .611  

Neil Ormerod  

Edwin A. Judge  

!e Language of Grace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .627  

On Finding One’s Way  

in Ancient History. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .639  

Publications of James R. Harrison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .657  

Burning Hearts  

Emmaus as Realised Eschatology  

in the Philokalic Tradition  

Doru Costache  

the new age of grace and the new creation had already begun  

James R. Harrison  

Abstract  

For the philokalic tradition the burning hearts at Luke 24:32 are a  

charismatic experience of the divine presence that can best be under-  

stood as realised, or inaugurated, eschatology. To make this assertion  

intelligible, first I introduce philokalic literature as a body of Byzantine  

writings that map spiritual experiences. Second, I provide a rough  

inventory of textual occurrences of warm, or burning, hearts in the  

eighteenth-century Athonite Philokalia. Third, I exemplify this expe-  

rience as a charism, or sacrament, of the divine presence by adducing  

hagiographical witnesses, especially the sixth-century Life of St Mary  

of Egypt. Finally, I interpret the Emmaus narrative as denoting a char-  

ismatic experience of the philokalic sort, representative for realised, or  

inaugurated, eschatology. As critical keys, I draw upon Bucur’s analy-  

sis of patristic reception of the Emmaus narrative, Florovsky’s take on  

eschatology, and Harrison’s views of the Pauline age of grace.  

In his recent book, Scripture Re-envisioned, Bogdan Bucur deploys  

the Emmaus narrative in Luke 24:13–35 as a ‘pattern of biblical exege-  

sis’ and a ‘methodological prolegomenon’ for examining biblical the-  

ophanies.¹ For him, this scriptural story represents a key to interpreting  

1

Bucur, Scripture Re-envisioned, 4. The relevant chapter is found at 6–41. See  

also my review of this book in Journal of Religious History 45:3 (2021), 509–11.  

61  

other narratives, such as the many Old Testament references to the glo-  

rified Messiah.² But more relevant to my purposes is Bucur’s detailed  

analysis of the burning hearts of the two disciples (Luke 24:32),³ where  

he also discusses scriptural antecedents of this image and its recurrence  

within the patristic tradition.⁴ He examines various scriptural connec-  

tions of this phrase, indeed, especially theophanies such as the burning  

bush and the Sinai narrative in Exodus. Interestingly, Bucur does not  

clarify whether the burning hearts signify a genuine experience or a  

metaphorical sign of the Lord’s presence. If I read his analysis correctly,  

he seems to understand it as a literary trope that corresponds to other  

scriptural and patristic devices meant to indicate the divine presence—  

all of which proposing luminous imagery—not as an actual experience.⁵  

While I have no intention to deny the manifold literary connec-  

tions of the burning hearts at Luke 24, as Bucur outlines them, in this  

paper I set out to show that his reading—as a metaphorical trope—is  

not the only possible approach. For example, for the philokalic litera-  

ture the phrase under consideration signifies a charismatic way of expe-  

riencing the divine presence that can best be understood as realised or  

inaugurated eschatology, or eschatology experienced in the here and  

now. True, this understanding has profound scriptural roots. As James  

Harrison aptly points out, ‘for Paul, the new age of grace and the new  

creation had already begun and were currently experienced in the body  

of Christ’.⁶ No surprise there, then, as Paul’s wisdom is a primary source  

2

For a review of this messianic material, see Scripture Re-envisioned 12–18. The  

narraꢀves of interest are located in Genesis 18, Exodus 3 and 33, Psalms 98–  

99 and 131–132, Isaiah 6, Habakkuk 3:2 (LXX), and Daniel 3 and 7.  

Bucur, Scripture Re-envisioned, 29–34.  

3

4

5

Bucur, Scripture Re-envisioned, 35–41.  

If that were the case, Bucur’s views would correspond to Giulea’s conclusions  

based on a range of sources. See Giulea, ‘Heavenly Fire’, 252–72. In turn,  

Giulea’s analysis finds a clear echo in the approach of Biriukov, ‘Neilos  

Kabasilas’, 373–91.  

6

Harrison, ‘Paul’, 83. See also Harrison, Paul’s Language, 226–33.  

62  

of philokalic spirituality.⁷ In addition, the realistic take on the narrative  

corresponds to the standard view of the Orthodox tradition, where, as  

the Byzantine liturgy attributed to John Chrysostom has it, ‘you (that  

is, God) brought us up to heaven and bestowed on us your kingdom to  

come’.⁸ Future glory is the content of the Christian experience on this  

side of eternity.  

In a narrow sense, the word philokalic designates a Byzantine cor-  

pus of writings on holiness and the spiritual life, spanning a millen-  

nium, and more broadly the quest for such a way of life.⁹ To make  

intelligible my assertion about the philokalic view of the burning hearts  

as a charismatic experience, first I introduce the literary corpus under  

consideration. Second, I produce a partial inventory of textual occur-  

rences in the eighteenth-century Philokalia compiled at Mount Athos,  

which document an understanding of this phrase, literally, as indicating  

a charismatic experience, illustrating the point by analysing a couple of  

relevant passages. Third, I exemplify this charismatic way of experienc-  

ing the divine presence by quick glances at the sixth-century Life of St  

Mary of Egypt and other hagiographical sources. Finally, in the light of  

this evidence I propose a view of the Emmaus narrative as denoting a  

charismatic experience of the philokalic sort, and as illustrating what  

modern theologians call realised, or inaugurated, eschatology. In so  

doing, rather than parting ways with Bucur’s views, I corroborate his  

interpretation of the Emmaus story as showcasing the mystery of the  

glorified Messiah truly present in the midst of his disciples.  

7

The towering figure of Paul permeates the Philokalia. By my rough word-count,  

he is menꢀoned by name 377 ꢀmes (41 in vol. 1; 51 in vol. 2; 144 in vol. 3; 87  

in vol. 4; 54 in vol. 5). See The Philokalia, four vols, trans. Palmer, Sherrard, and  

Ware (the fiꢁh volume was published much later, unprofessionally; Koꢂayam:  

R. I. C. Foundaꢀon, 2017).  

8

9

ἡμᾶς εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνήγαγες καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν σου ἐχαρίσω τὴν μέλλουσαν.  

Divine Liturgy, 70–71. Apart from this one, all translaꢀons from the original  

Greek belong to me.  

Several philokalic collecꢀons are known. See McGuckin, ‘Philokalia’, 35–49;  

McGuckin, ‘Philokalic Tradiꢀon’, 5–11; Ware, ‘St. Nikodimos and the Philokalia’,  

9–35. The most celebrated of these collecꢀons is that of Mount Athos,  

originally published in 1782, in two volumes, available in English in five volumes  

(translated from the third ediꢀon, 1957–1963). For the spiritual nature of the  

philokalic quest, see Louth, ‘The Theology of the Philokalia’, 351–61.  

63  

1. Introducing the Philokalic Tradition  

Now, what is, more specifically, the philokalic tradition? Before any-  

thing, I consider the lexical family of this technical term. The dictio-  

naries give the verb φιλοκαλέω, which they render as to cultivate a taste  

for the beautiful, to be enthusiastic about the beautiful or the good,  

to study, elaborate, and to put things in good order. In turn, the noun  

φιλοκαλία means love for the beautiful, love of cleanliness, calcula-  

tion, working out a problem, care, and attention.¹⁰ The early Christian  

authors used philokalic either in an ethical sense or as referring to  

scholarly endeavours, including diligence in study and gathering use-  

ful information. Thus, Clement of Alexandria (d. c. 215) contrasted  

the saints’ ‘true love for the beautiful’ (ἀληθοῦς φιλοκαλίας) and the  

‘voluptuous and ignoble life’ of the crowds (The Educator 3.7.37.1).¹¹  

In turn, Athanasius of Alexandria (d. 373) praised an interlocutor who  

‘diligently’ (φιλοκάλως) desired to understand the fundamentals of the  

faith (Against the Gentiles 1.1–2). Finally, two younger contemporaries  

of Athanasius, Basil of Caesarea (d. 379) and Gregory the Theologian  

(d. c. 389), took the term to mean the activity of selecting worthwhile  

thoughts from the writings of others, for example ‘the philokalia of  

Origen’ (Ὠριγένους φιλοκαλίας; Letter to Theodore of Tyana 4.6–7).¹²  

It is these three meanings—that is, ethical values, search for under-  

standing, and collection of noteworthy texts—that later writers associ-  

ated with the philokalic quest. Efforts to map the history of this quest  

have been already undertaken.¹³ Nevertheless, what we know best is one  

of its eighteenth-century outcomes, the Athonite Philokalia compiled  

by Macarius of Corinth (d. 1805) and Nicodemus of the Holy  

Mountain (d. 1809), especially due to its modern translations.¹⁴ This  

collection, first printed in 1782, largely based on manuscripts found in  

10 For details, see McGuckin, ‘Philokalia’, 36–37; McGuckin, ‘Philokalic Tradiꢀon’,  

2–3.  

11 Mondésert, Clément.  

12 Text in Harl and de Lange, Origène.  

13 Harmless, ‘Monasꢀcism’, 493–517; Louth, ‘The literature’, 373–81; McGuckin,  

‘Philokalia’, 37–48.  

14 Deseille, La spiritualité orthodoxe, 230–69; Ware, ‘St. Nikodimos and the  

Philokalia’, 18–32.  

64  

the monasteries of Mount Athos, covers a thousand years of spiritual  

literature, from the fourth to the fifteenth century. In geographical pro-  

gression, moving northwards, this literature originates in centres from  

Egypt, Sinai, Palestine, Syria, Greece, Athos, and Constantinople.  

Initially, the impact of the Athonite edition was limited, given that it  

presents the works in their original languages—late antique Greek and  

its Byzantine iteration—at that time mastered only by very few people.  

Much more impactful have been the 1779 Slavonic translation of Paisij  

Velichkovsky (d. 1794), Dobrotolubiye, soon enough rendered into  

Russian,¹⁵ and the Romanian translation of Monk Rafael, of 1769, the  

Philokalia of Dragomirna, the latter both continuing and catalysing an  

already rich local philokalic tradition.¹⁶ What matters is that the early  

modern philokalic quest caused positive ripples throughout the  

Orthodox world and beyond it.¹⁷  

A quick look at the title of the Athonite Philokalia of 1782 will  

suffice to explain this success. It reads as follows:  

!e Philokalia of the holy ones (who are) sober (watchful/  

vigilant), collected from our holy and God-bearing fathers,  

on how the mind is purified, enlightened, and perfected by  

way of praxis and contemplation, which pertain to ethical  

philosophy (Φιλοκαλία τῶν ἱερῶν νηπτικῶν συνερανισθείσα  

παρὰ τῶν ἁγίων καὶ θεοφόρων πατέρων ἡμών ἐν ἠ διὰ τῆς κατὰ  

τὴν πράξιν καὶ θεωρίαν ἠθικής φιλοσοφίας ὁ νοῦς καθαίρεται,  

φωτίζεται, καὶ τελειούται).  

15 McGuckin, ‘Philokalia’, 39–43; McGuckin, ‘Life and Mission’, 157–73.  

16 This work is preserved in the Library of the Romanian Academy as Ms. rom.  

2597. It has also become available in digital format at hꢂps://medievalia.com.  

ro/manuscrise/item/ms-rom-2597. For references to this manuscript, see  

Costache, ‘Orthodox Gnosis’, 431; McGuckin, ‘Philokalia’, 42; McGuckin, ‘Life  

and Mission’, 165. While not much is known by the Anglophone reader about  

this first-ever translaꢀon of philokalic wriꢀngs into a modern language, i.e.  

Romanian, several studies in Romanian menꢀon it. For a detailed descripꢀon  

of this manuscript, see Zaharia, ‘Biserica ortodoxă română’, 50–54.  

17 Costache, ‘Orthodox Gnosis’, 431–434; Louth, Modern Orthodox Thinkers,  

1–12, 341–48; McGuckin, ‘Chrisꢀan Spirituality’, 102–103; McGuckin, ‘Life  

and Mission’, 168–71.  

65  

This lengthy title captures the idea of a philosophical kind of quest for  

spiritual wisdom—in the sense of philosophy as a way of life¹⁸—and  

the traditional—or patristic—anchoring of this effort,¹⁹ as well as the  

perspective of a transformative process leading to holiness. The litera-  

ture on this curriculum of holy life, having its roots in the Platonic tra-  

dition mediated by a plethora of early Christian authors, is immense.²⁰  

The aftermaths of the eighteenth-century philokalic movement show  

that it has not lost its appeal to modern seekers either.²¹ It is against this  

backdrop that I must now turn to the burning hearts of the Philokalia.  

2. Charismatic Experiences in the Philokalia  

I do not intend either to offer a comprehensive list of relevant pas-  

sages or to discuss all of the selected texts in great detail. My goal is  

to establish, by several illustrations, the philokalic representation of  

the burning hearts as a charism that signals God’s presence. Such an  

undertaking is demanded by the curious lack of interest of scholars of  

the Philokalia in the reality of this charism, beyond the known liter-  

ary tropes.²² In what follows, specifically, I consider the relevant texts as  

they are found, according to the order of the Athonite collection.  

The first allusion to this charismatic experience appears in Isaiah  

the Solitary (d. c. 491), who refers to expecting God to arrive ‘with  

18 This, overall, was the percepꢀon of the early Chrisꢀans about their experience.  

See Costache, ‘The Teacher and His School’, 227–51 (end the sources quoted  

therein). At pp. 243–245, I discuss the relevant views of a philokalic author,  

Neilus the Asceꢀc (d. c. 430).  

19 The same idea of relying upon patrisꢀc sources in order to arꢀculate the  

spiritual discourse appears in yet another philokalic author, Maximus the  

Confessor (d. 662). See Costache, ‘Asceꢀcism’, 136–37.  

20 Here are a few sources, but see also the bibliography they include. Bucur,  

‘Hierarchy’, 2–45; Costache, ‘Chrisꢀan Gnosis’, 260–61, 262–65; Costache,  

‘Being’, 57–62, 66–71, 73–84; DeConick, ‘Traumaꢀc Mysteries’, 23–26; Louth,  

The Origins, 56–60, 97–110; Niculescu, ‘Spiritual Leavening’, 465–68.  

21 McGuckin, ‘Philokalia’, 42; McGuckin, ‘Philokalic Tradiꢀon’, 7, 12–17; Russell, The  

Doctrine of Deificaꢀon, 310–20; Ware, ‘St. Nikodimos and the Philokalia’, 33–35.  

22 See, for example, Gillet, The Jesus Prayer, 56, 63, 78, 82, 95, who menꢀons it  

without bothering to note its strange frequency in philokalic and non-philokalic  

sources. See also Cunningham, ‘The Jesus Prayer’, 199; Toꢀ, ‘The Hesychast  

Method’, 18–19.  

66  

sweetness of heart’ (ἐν ἡδύτητι καρδίας; On Guarding the Intellect,  

13).²³ This phrase might not explicitly mention warmth or fire, but the  

notion of the heart’s sweetness, elsewhere called joy, usually signals that  

very experience. Thus, Diadochus of Photiki (d. c. 486) points out  

that, even though sometimes it experiences a waning of the inner fire,  

the spiritually awakened person quickly ‘revives the fire within it  

(ἀναζωπυροῦσα) by the warmth of the love of God (τῇ θέρμῃ τῆς  

ἀγαπῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ)’; as a result, the person turns towards the neighbour  

‘with great joy’ (μετἀ πολλῆς χαρᾶς; On Spiritual Knowledge, 15).²⁴  

Divine warmth and joy appear together here. It is true that the heart is  

missing, but the point about love presupposes it. That said, Diadochus  

has much more to say about the charism under consideration.  

According to him, the heart, or soul, registers the divine presence in  

stages. Here is what he has to say at some point:  

When the soul has reached awareness of itself (ἐν τῇ ἑαυτῆς  

ἐπιγνώσει), it produces from within a certain warmth and  

God-loving reverence (θέρμην τινὰ καὶ θεοφιλῆ αἰδῶ).  

When (this feeling) is not disturbed by worldly cares,  

it gives birth to a certain yearning for peace (ἔρωτά τινα  

ἀποτίκτει ἐν τῇ εἰρήνῃ) that, accordingly (συμμέτρως),  

searches out the God of peace. But it [namely, this blessed  

state] quickly dissipates […]. In turn, the warmth (θέρμη)  

the Most-Holy Spirit brings to the heart (τῇ καρδίᾳ) is  

both wholly peaceful and lasting (εἰρηνική ἐστιν ὅλη καὶ  

ἀνένδοτος). It stirs in all the parts of the soul a longing for  

God. It is not fanned by anything exterior to the heart,  

but rather brings delight and joy to the whole person by  

itself, with a kind of endless love. And so, while we become  

aware of the first [kind of warmth], we should pursue the  

second one (On Spiritual Knowledge 74).²⁵  

According to this excerpt, the charismatic experience progresses in two  

stages, from a natural warmth to a supernatural one, for want of better  

23 Φιλοκαλία, 1:35.  

24 Φιλοκαλία, 1:208.  

25 Φιλοκαλία, 1:224.  

67  

words. What facilitates the first stage is the person’s own effort—very  

likely consisting in ascetic purification and prayerful contemplation,  

by which the mind is quieted²⁶—which leads to what Diadochus calls  

the soul’s ‘awareness of itself ’ (see ἐν τῇ ἑαυτῆς ἐπιγνώσει). Here, as in  

many other patristic contexts, soul or heart—sometimes the mindful  

soul²⁷—signifies what we, in modern times, would call person.²⁸ The  

person’s clear, knowing, stilled, and focused mind is what facilitates  

this strange experience. During this phase, ‘a certain warmth’ (θέρμην  

τινά) comforts the recipients, enticing them to seek further closeness  

with the Lord and to attain peace. Diadochus refers to this feeling  

without bothering to describe or to explain it. He takes for granted  

that the readers would know what it means, especially readers who  

experience it, too. For the readers unaware of this experience, he only  

qualifies the feeling of warmth by τινά: a certain/sort of/kind of pleas-  

ant fire or warmth. This feeling seems to be identical to what Isaiah  

calls the ‘sweetness of heart’.  

Either way, the heart’s warmth is something that can truly be felt—  

it registers physiologically, as it were—but we should not expect it to  

correspond to anything we usually feel in terms of, say, pain or plea-  

sure. By the way, when I have become aware of this experience, repeat-  

edly mentioned in the philokalic literature, I asked a cardiologist about  

it, and he dryly remarked that the heart’s nervous system is not  

equipped to feel anything. The overwhelming evidence within the  

Philokalia and elsewhere nevertheless points to something truly occur-  

ring,²⁹ even though this experience eludes modern measuring devices.³⁰  

That said, neither the warmth nor the peace experienced at this stage—  

both marking a measure of success in the quest for holiness—are per-  

26 See Chryssavgis, ‘Solitude’, 262–76.  

27 For example, Athanasius of Alexandria refers interchangeably to ‘soul’, ‘mind’,  

and the ‘mindful soul’ in Against the Genꢀles 30.13–25; 33.40–43.  

28 See Lossky, Mysꢀcal Theology, 120–21, 123–24, 127. For the overlapping of  

soul and heart in patrisꢀc sources, see also Costache, ‘Adam’s Holiness’, 331–  

32, 338.  

29 For a survey of relevant sources outside the philokalic tradiꢀon, see Harvey,  

‘Sensing More’, 97–106.  

30 Of late, I have become increasingly interested in this maꢂer. See, for example,  

my Humankind, 47–48, 256–57; ‘Orthodox Gnosis’, 427.  

68  

manent and stable. Elsewhere, Diadochus says that they who merely  

begin to experience the ‘spiritual energy’ (πνευματικὴ ἐνέργεια) have  

their hearts only ‘partially (μερικῶς) warmed up by the holy grace’;  

through an analogy, they are like the persons who, in winter, face east  

at sunrise and enjoy a bit of warmth on their cheeks, while their back  

remains cold (On Spiritual Knowledge 88).³¹ It is only when the recipi-  

ents advance to the next, supernatural phase that their hearts receive  

the Spirit’s own gift, experiencing enduring warmth (θέρμη) and peace  

in its presence.  

This twofold process seems to amount to the person’s advance-  

ment towards compatibility with the Spirit, as denoted by the adverb  

συμμέτρως, which I have translated by ‘accordingly’, but which suggests  

proportionality, thus a tantum quantum principle—not unlike what  

Harrison has discovered in Paul’s theology of grace.³² Thus, only by  

achieving a measure of peace—or equanimity, serenity—undoubtedly  

by way of the ascetic and contemplative reorientation of the ‘passions’,³³  

can the person strive to meet the ‘God of peace’, the transcendent  

source of true peace. It is progress in the virtuous life, the life of holi-  

ness, that brings us increasingly closer to the Holy Spirit, who is the  

fulness of holiness. And the holy warmth of the first stage, as feeble  

and as impermanent as it might be, marks our preparedness for a truer  

and a fuller experience. The steps of progress (ἐπεκτάσεις) of patristic  

literature—understood as cognitive leaps conditioned by ascetic purifi-  

cation³⁴—are here rendered as existential states whose measure is given  

by the intensity of the fire felt inside, within our physiologically insen-  

sitive hearts.  

In short, Diadochus refers to the soul’s or the mind’s achievement  

marked by its own warmth—natural, as it were, but without a doubt  

31 Φιλοκαλία, 1:230. See Williams, ‘The Theological World’, 106.  

32 Harrison, ‘Paul’, 91; Harrison, Paul’s Language, 110–14, 247–48.  

33 See Blowers, ‘Hope’, 216–29.  

34 For an analysis of the concept of ἐπέκτασις in the thinking of an indirect  

contributor the philokalic tradiꢀon, Gregory of Nyssa, see Daniélou, Platonisme,  

291–307. Gregory is an indirect contributor in that his works are not included  

in the Athonite collecꢀon, but he is a contributor nonetheless, in that his views  

influenced major philokalic authors such as Maximus.  

69  

ascetically and prayerfully catalysed—with the climax of this experi-  

ence being a Spirit-induced, supernatural or gracious warmth, charac-  

terised by peace and permanence (εἰρηνική ἐστιν ὅλη καὶ ἀνένδοτος).  

Even the first phase of this experience entails certain physiological  

changes, as the heart naturally has no feelings, but transformation  

increases exponentially with the person advancing in virtue. Τhe  

advanced person, who ‘makes progress in keeping the commandments  

and calls ceaselessly (ἀπαύστως) upon the Lord Jesus’ (On Spiritual  

Knowledge 85),³⁵ experiences fundamental changes, of a biological and  

a cognitive nature. For such a person,  

the fire of the holy grace (τὸ πῦρ τῆς ἁγίας χάριτος) spreads  

even to the heart’s external organs of perception (τὰ  

ἐξώτερα αἰσθητήρια τῆς καρδίας) […]. When the strug-  

gling persons have finally acquired all the virtues (πάσας  

τὰς ἀρετάς) […] then some kind of deeper sense-percep-  

tion (βαθυτέρα τινὶ αἴσθησις) illumines their whole being  

(πᾶσαν φύσιν), warming (περιθάλπουσα) it with great love  

of God.³⁶  

No wonder Evagrius the Solitary (d. 399), elsewhere in the Philokalia,  

could assert that persons who reach this state, resembling Cleopas of  

Luke 24, ‘bring (to God) a heart burning (καρδίαν καιομένην) with  

the mysteries’ of spiritual experience (On Discernment, 7).³⁷ Norman  

Russel summarises this charismatic experience as a threefold progres-  

sion, from the initial warming heart to the fiery stage to the whole  

being permeated by divine fire.³⁸  

Overall, the experiences captured by the authors mentioned above  

are either their own or belong to ascetics known to them. And while  

philokalic authors resisted the temptation of saying plainly that they  

lived such things themselves, the details they provided and the consis-  

tency of their descriptions lead to the conclusion that such occurrences  

35 Φιλοκαλία, 1:229.  

36 Diadochus’ On Spiritual Knowledge 85, Φιλοκαλία, 1:229. Cf. John of Karpathos,  

Texts for the Monks in India 96, in Φιλοκαλία, 1:257.  

37 Φιλοκαλία, 1:49.  

38 Russell, The Doctrine of Deificaꢀon, 246–47.  

70  

are real. Abundant internal and external evidence confirms it.  

Regarding internal sources, the transformative and deifying experience  

of the burning hearts can be found throughout the Philokalia.³⁹ Below  

I briefly review several examples from the second kind of sources.  

3. Other Witnesses  

The examples discussed above, which evidence the charismatic under-  

standing of the burning hearts in philokalic literature, are not iso-  

lated cases. And while other charisms are better represented in related  

sources, insofar as they are much more common, the warming of hearts  

is not unheard of either. I conclude my survey by adducing other  

accounts, but focusing on Life of St Mary of Egypt.  

It is assumed that Mary of Egypt, formerly an eccentric prostitute  

who did not seek money, lived in the sixth century, but her identity  

cannot be established with absolute certainty.⁴⁰ Upon her conversion  

under the guidance of the Lord’s Virgin Mother, that is, when a ‘saving  

word’ (λόγος σωτήριος) touched, or lit up, the ‘eyes of the heart’ (τῶν  

39 θέρμη τοῦ πόθου (‘warmth of desire’; Abba Philemon, Discourse, in Φιλοκαλία,  

1:487); ἐθερμάνθη ἡ καρδία μου (‘my heart warmed up’; Ilias the Presbyter,  

Gnomic Anthology 94, in Φιλοκαλία, 1:544); καρδιακήτις θέρμη (‘hearty  

warmth’; Theophanes the Monk, The Ladder of Divine Graces 2, in Φιλοκαλία,  

1:549); (grace wakes up the heart and) θερμαίνοντος τὰς […] δυνάμεις  

ἡμῶν (‘warms up our apꢀtudes’; Nikitas Sꢀthatos, Pracꢀcal Chapters 1.9, in  

Φιλοκαλία, 2:787); (the energy of prayer) ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ ἐνεργοῦσαν ἔχειν […]  

θερμαίνουσαν τὸν νοῦν καὶ εὐφραίνουσαν (‘has the heart energised, and the  

mind warmed up and full of gladness’; Gregory of Sinai, On the Signs of Grace  

and Delusion 3, in Φιλοκαλία, 2:909); (the energy of grace is) δύναμις τοῦ πυρὸς  

τοῦ πνεύματος […] καρδιακῶς κινουμένη […] καὶ θερμαίνουσα τὴν ψυχήν  

(‘the power of the spirit’s fire that moves within the heart and warms up the  

soul’; Gregory of Sinai, On the Signs of Grace and Delusion 9, in Φιλοκαλία,  

2:910); ἐνέργεια γίνεται ἐν καρδίᾳ […] τῆς θείας θέρμης ἀναφανείσης (‘at the  

occurrence of the divine warmth, energy fills the heart’; Gregory of Sinai, On  

Serenity and Two Kinds of Prayer 1, in Φιλοκαλία, 2:911) etc.  

40 For details of her idenꢀty and various biographies, see Gunderson and  

Huehnergard, ‘An Ethiopic Version’, 152–57; Kouli, ‘Introducꢀon’, 65–69;  

Mena, Place and Idenꢀty, 85–114. None of these sources discusses Mary’s  

charismaꢀc experiences. For a recent translaꢀon of the main hagiography, see  

Life of St Mary of Egypt, trans. M. Kouli, in Holy Women, 70–93.  

71  

ὀφθαλμῶν τῆς καρδίας; Life of St Mary of Egypt, 23),⁴¹ Mary felt within  

her ‘the fire of faith’ (τὸ τῆς πίστεως ἔμπυρον), which she received ‘like  

a kind of assurance’ (ὥσπερ τινὰ πληροφορίαν) regarding her salvation  

(Life of St Mary of Egypt, 24).⁴² We notice, here, the internalisation of  

the charismatic fire we encountered throughout the Philokalia,  

together with the indefinite pronoun τινά, denoting the strangeness of  

the experience. Afterwards, spending decades in the wilderness of  

Jordan as a hermit, Mary was constantly comforted by the sight of a  

‘sweet light’ (τὸ φῶς […] τὸ γλυκύ) that ‘shone everywhere around’  

(πάντοθεν περιαστράπτον) her (Life of St Mary of Egypt, 28–29).⁴³  

Apart from the synaesthetic sense of tasting the supernal light, what  

she experienced corresponds to Isaiah the Solitary’s ‘sweetness of heart’.  

We are on familiar grounds. Other early Christian and Byzantine hagi-  

ographies contain more references of this sort,⁴⁴ all of which document  

the reality of the charism under consideration. Later saintly witnesses  

of this experience, such as Theodora of Sihla (d. c. 1700), Seraphim of  

Sarov (d. 1833), and Silouan the Athonite (d. 1938), confirm Mary’s  

perception of the same heartfelt warmth become perceptible around  

them.⁴⁵  

Against this backdrop, the burning hearts of the two disciples in  

the Lord’s presence (Luke 24:32) should not be taken as a peculiar way  

of describing emotion, a literary trope, or an empty metaphor. As evi-  

denced by the Philokalia and further hagiographical material, the  

burning hearts are a genuine experience, a supernaturally induced  

response of human nature in God’s presence; a sacrament of the pres-  

ence, as it were. Regardless of how this experience is worded—as sweet  

light, warmth, or fire—something does happen within the human  

41 Patrologia Graeca (hereaꢁer, PG) 87.3713B.  

42 PG 87.3713D.  

43 PG 87.3717B.  

44 Life of St Matrona of Perge 39, 40; Life of St Theodora of Thessaloniki, 32. For  

English translaꢀons of these hagiographies, see Holy Women of Byzanꢀum,  

18–64, 164–217. See also the cases discussed in Costache, ‘Adam’s Holiness’,  

337–40.  

45 See Costache, ‘Orthodox Gnosis’, 431, 433; Gallaher, ‘Pneumatology’, 513–16;  

Sophrony, Saint Silouan.  

72  

heart, in the person’s inner temple, to then envelop other parts of the  

body, and the body in its entirety, as well as becoming manifest around  

the saints, impacting the environment. Especially the accounts on  

Mary of Egypt and Seraphim of Sarov are illustrative of the latter  

aspect, but so are, too, various other stories.⁴⁶ It is true that this experi-  

ence pertains to the glory of the age to come, but, to paraphrase George  

Florovsky, for the saints realised or inaugurated eschatology is no lon-  

ger a way of thinking about things; it is a way of experiencing reality in  

the here and now.⁴⁷ I have shown elsewhere that it is only in the light of  

the saints’ experiences that we can truly grasp the meaning of certain  

scriptural narratives.⁴⁸  

As with my earlier reference to the liturgy, this sense of celebrating  

the Lord’s presence in the here and now finds its perfect expression in  

the Byzantine ritual of the ‘kiss of peace’, consistently accompanied by  

the exclamation ‘Christ in our midst!’⁴⁹ This is parousia as presence, as  

a fait accompli. This understanding corresponds to the message of my  

motto—‘the new age of grace and the new creation had already  

begun’—inspired by Jim Harrison’s insightful analysis of Pauline escha-  

tology. Against this backdrop, my conclusion is that Luke’s burning  

hearts refer to a real, charismatic form of experiencing God’s presence,  

even the glorified Messiah of the Hebrew Scriptures, in the Holy  

Spirit, not merely a literary trope.  

Doru Costache  

Department of Studies in Religion, University of Sydney  

46 See Costache, Humankind and the Cosmos, 46–48; Costache, ‘John Moschus’,  

21–34.  

47 Florovsky, Chrisꢀanity, 58, 61, 65, 129; Florovsky, Aspects, 63–78.  

48 Costache, ‘Adam’s Holiness’, 330–31, 334–36; Humankind and the Cosmos,  

150, 172–78.  

49 ὁ Χριστὸς ἐν τῷ μέσῳ ἡμῶν. The Divine Liturgy, 64.  

73  

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